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Court ruling opens door to big changes in health care

By Daniel Weintraub

The Supreme Court decision last week upholding President Barack Obama’s health reform law clears the way for a transformation in the way millions of Californians will get their health insurance, and, ultimately, their care.

For the shrinking number of people who still receive insurance coverage as a benefit from their employers – mostly at big companies – the changes will be gradual at first, though still significant. And despite assurances from Obama, it is still not clear that most people will be able to keep the coverage they have today.

But for individuals who do not have insurance because they are unemployed, self-employed or working in places that do not offer health benefits, the change will be dramatic, fast and probably to their liking.

The easiest way to understand the coming change is this: The current business model of the health insurance industry consists of avoiding risk. The new model will instead force insurance companies to compete by offering the best service.

In today’s environment, insurance companies avoid risk by spending vast amounts of time, effort and money weeding out potential customers who might actually need to use their product.

That might sound crazy, but it’s true. Insurers make money only if they collect more in premiums than they pay out in medical costs and other expenses. They know that inevitably some people will get very sick or suffer grievous injuries that will cost the insurer more than the consumer paid in premiums. But the first job of the insurance executive is to avoid these circumstances whenever possible.

This kind of thinking gave rise to what is known as the pre-existing health condition. Insurance companies grill potential customers with dozens of questions about their health history, searching for anything suggesting that the person might become a burden to the bottom line. Anyone who has ever suffered more than the sniffles has a good chance of being declined, and if you do get coverage, you will pay a hefty price premium for it. If you have been seriously ill, forget about it. You will not find insurance in the private market at any price.

The Affordable Care Act will change all of that. It already has begun to do so.

Starting in 2014, insurance companies will no longer be able to exclude people based on their health condition. And the companies will no longer be able to charge higher rates to people who have been sick. Rates will be adjusted only for geography, age and whether or not a consumer uses tobacco.

Already, because of federal health reform, insurance companies are prohibited from denying coverage to children through the age of 18. Adults who have been excluded from coverage can apply to a state-run pool for high-risk consumers to cover them until they can move into private coverage when the law is fully implemented. About 9,000 Californians who were previously denied insurance have already been accepted for this transition coverage.

The federal reform also eliminated the lifetime caps on how much insurance companies will spend on an individual’s care, limits that used to end some people’s coverage just when they needed it most. The law is also phasing out similar caps on annual benefits.

Millions of Californians are also now getting preventive care with no out-of-pocket costs; adult children can get coverage on their parents’ policies through age 26 (and about 300,000 have done so); and seniors are getting a price break on their prescription drugs.

Essentially, the Affordable Care Act turns the insurance industry into a quasi-public utility. Insurers will still be private companies. But for a large swath of the market, the benefits insurance companies offer and the practices they follow will be tightly regulated by the government. Their rates won’t be directly controlled, but all of the reforms taken together are likely to amount to de facto rate regulation.

In return, the insurers will get millions of new customers in California alone. Many of these customers will be young, healthy people who will be compelled to buy insurance by the “individual mandate” that was at the center of the legal fight that ended in the Supreme Court last week. The premiums they pay will in most cases exceed the cost of their coverage, and the surplus will be used to help finance the provision of care to sicker people who until now were excluded from coverage.

In California, most of this transformation will be managed by a new agency known as the Health Benefit Exchange. The exchange will be an online marketplace at which insurance companies offer their products and consumers shop for the coverage that suits them best.

Anyone who applies for coverage through the exchange will get help obtaining insurance from whatever program they are eligible for. The poorest Californians will get their coverage through the state’s Medi-Cal program, and the state is expecting about 2.5 million more Californians to become eligible in 2014, mostly childless adults who until now have been excluded from the coverage. Through the end of this decade, the federal government will pay almost all of the cost of caring for these people.

Another 2 million Californians with greater means will be eligible for subsidies from the federal government for the first time. The Health Benefit Exchange will calculate these subsidies based on a family’s income and its size.

The subsidies, which will be in the form of tax credits paid to an insurance company on the consumer’s behalf, will limit the amount families must pay for coverage. Low-income families will pay no more than 2 percent of their income for insurance. Families earning four times the federal poverty rate, or about $93,000 for a family of four, will pay no more than 9.5 percent of their income. Many will pay far less.

The subsidies will be financed in part through more than 40 separate tax provisions expected to raise nearly $500 billion over 10 years. These include an increase in the Medicare tax, new fees on insurance companies, a new tax on medical device manufacturers, a tax on tanning salons and, of course, the tax on people who do not comply with the mandate to purchase insurance.

Peter Lee, the exchange’s executive director, said the marketplace will be open for business by Oct. 1, 2013, so individuals and small employers can begin buying coverage to take effect on the first day of 2014.

“We’re moving full speed ahead,” Lee said last week after the court issued its opinion.

That is no surprise. California has led the nation in implementing the Affordable Care Act. The state has been an early adopter, taking advantage of nearly every federal dollar, expanding access early to the populations targeted by the reform and, in some cases, adopting state-only provisions that go further than the federal law.

“No state in the nation had more at stake in this decision than California,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access, a consumer advocacy group.

Indeed, California had the most to lose if the court had stricken down the entire law. And in the years ahead, the state will have the most to gain from its implementation. If it works as planned, millions of Californians who have gone without coverage will now get it at an affordable price, and, just as importantly, they will be able to keep it when they need it most.

 

Cali urged to start early on new health insurance exchange

The top state insurance executive in Massachusetts urged California lawmakers Wednesday to “start early” in building a new health insurance exchange that will be at the center of the state’s implementation of the federal health reform passed in March.

Jon Kingsdale is executive director of the Commonwealth Health Insurance Connector, which plays the same role in Massachusetts that the new insurance exchange will play in California. The exchange will serve as a government-supervised market where individuals and small employers can purchase insurance, many of them using tax credits and subsidies.

Kingsdale said it took Massachusetts four years to establish the exchange at the heart of the Bay State’s insurance program, and Massachusetts started with several advantages over California. The state had far fewer uninsured people, already required insurers to cover everyone without regard to pre-exisiting health conditions, and its programs for the poor and the children of the working poor were integrated.

“It’s not too early to begin,” Kingsdale told a joint hearing of the Senate and Assembly health committees.

Under the federal law, Kingsdale said, the exchange can be anything from a passive information bank and online sales site to an aggressive regulator of benefits, rates and insurance company practices.

California already has two agencies that regulate insurers and health plans, the Department of Insurance and the Department of Managed Health Care. Kingsdale cautioned legislators not to try to create a third. But he also said simply listing all the carriers and the benefits they offer in California would not be much help to consumers.

“That would be about as useful as the automated Yellow Pages,” he said.

The middle ground, he said, is to use the exchange to reduce administrative costs, increase competition, standardize benefits and give consumers power by making it easy for them to compare plans and their prices.

Kingsdale said he has been stopped on the street and thanked for the simplicity of the Massachusetts web site through which residents can buy their coverage. The plans are grouped by benefit structure and rated either “gold,” “silver” or “bronze” depending on their level of benefits.

“We make it easy for buyers to shop on price and quality,” he said.

He said the state should be selective in the carriers it allows into the exchange but still err on the side of having too many rather than too few options for consumers. He said legislators and administrators should not assume they know what kind of plans consumers will want to buy. Instead, let them vote with their dollars, he said.

The biggest risk to California in setting up its exchange, he said, was dealing with the job of automating the distribution of subsidies and tax credits. He said that would be a “Herculean task.” He suggested that if the state allows its 58 counties to continue to administer the state’s subsidized insurance programs, the result could be a logistical nightmare.
Sen. Elaine Alquist, chairwoman of the Senate Health Committee, said the exchange, with a potential 8 million customers, is going to be “one of the major pieces” of the new health system brought about by the federal reform.
“How the exchange functions,” she said, “is going to be crucial to ensuring that federal health reform is successful in California.”

 

Explaining health reform: new insurance exchange will play major role

By Daniel Weintraub

It will be years before the new health insurance exchange at the heart of the federal health reform passed in March rolls out in California. But decisions being made now could shape how that exchange looks and works, the health benefits it makes available to consumers, how much Californians pay for their coverage and the roles played by the government and the private insurance industry.

Democrats in the California Legislature have signaled with their early proposals that will try to create an exchange with a large dose of government intervention, with a board appointed by the governor and state lawmakers that would have the power to set benefits, rates, and cost-sharing and regulate the administrative costs of insurance companies that want to sell their policies through the exchange.

The idea behind the exchange is to provide a place for individuals and small businesses to pool their risk and gain the kind of market power now available only to large groups like government and big private employers.

The exchange could simply be a bare-bones online marketplace where insurers list their products and buyers come to make purchases. Or it could be something that begins to resemble the “public option” that Democrats were pushing during the debate over federal reform but eventually dropped before their bill gained final passage.

Assembly Bill 1602 by Assembly Speaker John Perez will be the vehicle for the Assembly’s version of the exchange, at least for now. In the Senate, SB 900, by Health Committee chairwoman Elaine Alquist, is the bill to watch.

AB 1602 is the more ambitious of the measures at the moment.

The exchange in AB 1602 would, at a minimum:

–Certify health insurance companies to participate in the exchange, and decertify those that were no longer allowed to sell their products through this pool;

–Operate a toll-free telephone hotline for consumers who need assistance;

–Maintain an Internet web site where consumers could get standardized information to compare the plans;

–Create an electronic calculator consumers can use to determine the full cost of their coverage, including premiums, deductibles and co-payments;

–Rate the available plans;

–Inform consumers about eligibility requirements for public programs such as Medi-Cal or Healthy Families and enroll them in those programs if they qualify.

But those are only the basic duties the bill envisions for the exchange. The exchange could also do much more, if the state determines that federal law allows it. The expanded duties include:

–Determine who is eligible to buy insurance through the exchange;

–Set standards and selection criteria for health plans that want to sell through the exchange, including setting “reasonable limits” on their administrative expenses;

–Determine the scope of coverage for consumers who buy insurance through the exchange;

–Set premium schedules, process applications, collect premiums, and administer subsidies to low-income consumers and rates paid to the insurance companies;

–Determine the rates paid to the health plans and approve cost-sharing provisions for consumers;

The potential scope of the proposed exchange — setting benefit levels and regulating rates, cost-sharing and administrative costs — has raised eyebrows within the insurance industry. In a letter to the Assembly Health Committee, the California Association of Health Plans raised questions about the bill, suggesting that it might go beyond what is allowed under federal law.

“All of these details point towards an Exchange that is intended to be at its core a purchaser of services,” wrote Charles Bacchi, the association’s executive vice president.

In an interview, Bacchi said the group had not yet taken a position on AB 1602 but views that bill and its Senate counterpart as crucial to shaping the future of health insurance in California.

“These are very important decisions,” he said. “It is really about much, much more than just complying with federal law. It a fundamental decision about what the market looks like in the future in California. The federal subsidies come through in 2015, but the decisions we make today and next year and the year after will build up how this exchanges handles people purchasing insurance, how it handles the subsidies, the basic nature of the exchange and how it’s governed.”

Peter Harbage, a health policy consultant who has closely followed the health reform debate and legislation, said he thinks the federal law is broad enough to allow California to create an exchange with vast powers over the insurance industry.

“My sense is that the federal language in a lot of these cases is really just a floor,” Harbage said. “It is very broad. It talks about a limited role for the exchanges but there is nothing by design to preclude the staes from being more aggressive with their oversight, their contracting, what they want insurance companies to provide in order to be a part of the exchange. Insurers don’t have to participate if they don’t want to, if they think the requirements are too strong.”

 
 
 

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